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Summary
Workers’
representation in decision making is considered as an
important element in economic and social development. Its
extension into the political sphere is based on the
assumption that sectoral representation widens the
democratic space, considered to be the better framework
for establishing a regime of stable, peaceful, just, and
progressive society.
Traditionally,
unions are seen to be representing workers at the
workplace and are generally responsible for improving and
defending workers’ economic and social interests. Unions
improve working and living conditions through the
classical means of collective bargaining, mutual aid and
legislation.
The
classical means are intertwined. Through legal guarantees
to the right to organize and free collective bargaining,
workers through their unions attempt to achieve power
parity with employers, serving as countervailing force to
the natural dominance of employers as owners and managers
of enterprises, Mutual aid complements, or supplements
what workers can not get through, collective bargaining as
also it serves to strengthen the unions’ representation
roles by exercising solidarity within, between and among
unions . Through legislation, workers’ rights are
strengthened by legal guarantees and through which unions
seek to advance their rights and interests at work and in
the broader society as well.
This
paper examines three types of workers’ representation in
the Philippines:
(1)
at the workplace through unionism and collective
bargaining, labor-management cooperation or committee, and
employee councils;
(2)
in Tripartite (policy-making and implementing)
Bodies
(3)
in Legislative Bodies through the party-list system; and
It
argues that workers’ representation is generally weak,
ineffective and inefficient, owing principally to
(1)
the negative consequences of globalization on
unionism,
(2)
the legal and institutional barriers to workers’
representation in general and unionism in particular, and
(3)
the inherent limitations, fragmentation, low
density and dissipating strength of traditional unionism.
To
remedy this situation, the paper vies for an expanded
concept of unionism: a return to the social movement roots
of unions, but expanded in coverage in order to adequately
respond to current and emerging labor market realities,
such as flexibilization, informalization, external
migration. This is done by linking or incorporating all
types of workers and their various modes of organizations
into the trade union movement, both locally and globally.
This expanded concept of unionism is referred to as social
movement unionism or a trade union-social movement.
Finally,
the paper advocates for new arrangements, including making
the labor code more responsive to new global realities and
in support of trade union efforts to represent a broader
portion of the labor force. Principally, the paper
proposes to overhaul the process of workers’
representation by removing interferences in law and
practice, such that the workers’ choice is truly their
own.
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