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Child
trafficking is defined in this study as the illegal
recruitment and transportation of young individuals from
one geographical area to another by means of deception,
violence, threat, kidnapping and other similar acts. Its
victims are usually the children of poor families who live
in poor communities in the provinces. Away from their
usual networks of social support (i.e., families and
friends), these children often end up in exploitative,
hazardous and abusive occupations or work conditions.
Being more vulnerable to sexual abuse, girls bear the most
appalling consequences of child trafficking.
Trafficking
of children in the Philippines results from a number of
interrelated factors. From the economic standpoint, child
trafficking can be traced to poverty that results from
unemployment and low wages, uneven rural-urban economic
development, and the demand for children's services in
certain industries. The traditional expectation that every
able household member should help the family, the
favorable perception on early work, and the society's
patriarchal system comprise the socio-cultural factors to
child trafficking. The absence of an effective mechanism
to enforce anti-child labor and anti-child trafficking
laws, on the other hand, constitutes the political factor
that allows the existence of child trafficking.
The
extent of child trafficking in the country is not known.
The 1995 NSO Survey of Working Children revealed that
nearly half a million Filipino children live away from
home and close to fifty percent of them are said to be
working. Based on the numerous reports about children
being hauled from the provinces to work in the cities as
commercial sex workers, domestic helpers, and factory or
commercial farm workers, one may assume that many of those
in the NSO Survey have been illegally recruited and
trafficked.
Twenty-four
trafficked girl-children have been interviewed for this
study. Their ages range between 14 to 17 years with a mean
age of 15 years. Most of them came from the Visayas region
and found themselves working in Metro Manila, Bulacan and
Olongapo City. Eleven ended up in domestic work, eight in
entertainment work, and five in factory work. All of them
pointed to poverty as the main reason why they agreed to
join their recruiters.
This
study documented the experiences of these girls at various
stages of the trafficking process: recruitment/ migration,
employment, moving out/ rescue, and rehabilitation/
reintegration.
During
recruitment, the girls were promised of better paying,
respectable jobs. Only a handful of them were told of the
specific job they would perform at their destination.
While in transit, they were forbidden to talk to anybody
and told to lie about their ages and purpose of travel in
case somebody approaches them.
Most
of them landed in jobs other than what were promised to
them. Though their work schedules varied, all of them
experienced working very long hours, usually between 12 to
16 hours daily. Aside from long hours of uninterrupted
work, the former domestic helpers also suffered from
physical and verbal abuse committed by their employer
and/or members of their employer's family. They complained
of having experienced over-fatigue, body pains and such
common illnesses as cold, cough, fever.
The
erstwhile entertainers, on the other hand, suffered from
all kinds of sexual advances, sexually transmitted
diseases, over-fatigue and body pains. All of them learned
to drink and smoke, some even learned to take drugs.
Meanwhile, those who worked as factory workers were made
to work in an unclean, warm and noisy work environment.
They can neither leave their workstation nor talk to their
co-workers during working hours. Since they arrived in the
factory, they were never allowed to get out of it.
The
girls, at the time of the interview, were in temporary
shelters undergoing rehabilitation programs in preparation
for their eventual reintegration into their families. Nine
of them (mostly domestic helpers) escaped
from their employers and sought assistance from
authorities. The rest were rescued by the combined rescue
team of the National Bureau of Investigation, the
Philippine National Police, local government units and the
Department of Labor and Employment.
The
country is replete with laws on the protection of
children. This notwithstanding, the trafficking of
children, particularly girls, continues to exist.
Obviously, the culprit is weak enforcement. There
is also no monitoring structure to track down recruitment
activities of illegal recruiters as well as the movements
of children between geographical areas. This problem
results from lack of resources (human and financial) of
law enforcement agencies.
This
study recommends, among others, the conduct of
community-based information campaign towards providing
informed choices to parents and children; activation of
BCPCs to coordinate trafficking prevention activities;
provision of incentives to poor parents who send their
children to school; requiring barangay clearance to
recruit; monitoring of exit and entry points commonly used
in child trafficking operations; strengthening of the
rescue and labor inspection programs; establishment of a
legal protection center for working children; the
improvement of services of government-run temporary
shelters; and the formulation of a comprehensive program
framework for the problem of child trafficking.
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