Children in Commercial Sexual Exploitation

A rising concern on the need to provide protection and institutional responses that will ensure the general welfare of working girl-children highlights the need among policy makers, both international and local, for a deeper understanding of the phenomenon of girl-child labor.

In the Philippines for example, while gender and development programs are finding their way into institutional mainstreams, little has been achieved in terms of providing coherent approaches sensitive to the needs of the working girl-child.  Thus, child labor initiatives have taken broad forms, presumably with a view that programmatic actions that are effective for child laborers in general have the same degree of efficacy when extended to a girl-child laborer.

With the Philippine ratification of ILO Convention 182 on the Worst Forms of Child Labor together with Recommendation 190, the country has committed to take immediate measures to eliminate the worst forms of child labor.  One such measure is to generate statistical data on the nature and extent of child labor that will serve as a basis for determining priorities for national action for the abolition of child labor, in particular for the prohibition and elimination of its worst forms, as a matter of urgency.”

The International Labor Organization (ILO), through the International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labor (IPEC) and the Statistical Information and Monitoring Programme on Child Labor (SIMPOC), commissioned the Institute for Labor Studies to conduct Rapid Assessment Studies on girl-children in commercial agriculture, commercial sexual exploitation and domestic work.

This is part of the IPEC/ SIMPOC’s objective of conducting 38 Rapid Assessments of the worst forms of child labor in twenty countries and one border area. 

These investigations will be made through application of the rapid assessment methodology recently prepared by ILO/UNICEF.  These Assessments have a common objective of contributing to the knowledge base on girl-children in the stated sectors.  The studies had the following specific objectives: (a) to assess the local magnitude of girl-children in the three target sectors; (b) describe the work processes, conditions and arrangements involved in the sectors; (c) identify policies, programs or initiatives that address the concerns of working girl-children; and (d) recommend directions toward the formulations of appropriate policies and programs.

For children in commercial sexual exploitation, there were 44 children interviewed, among which, 3 were girls and 11 were boy-children.  The youngest girl-child interviewed was 11 years old while the youngest boy interviewed was 13 years. Most of the children migrated from nearby localities. However, there were also cases where prostituted children came from as far as Manila. A considerable number came from broken families, have single or widowed parents, were orphaned, or escaped family members who frequently engaged in quarrels, violence or alcoholism.

Many of the children live with either their ‘employers’ or ‘co-workers’.  Majority of them are bread winners in their own families.  Many said that being in the commercial sex sector was their first job. 

All of the respondents appear to be no longer attending school.  Most of the children came from families which barely had access to education. Most of their parents either did not finish high school, went only as far as elementary level of education, while only a few had some college instruction.

In many instances, it is their respective pimps who explained the terms of their actual employment to most of their clients who are locals of the city.

The children barely received information about prevention and treatment of sexually transmitted diseases.  In most cases, children respondents resort to self-medications to address health concerns such as sexually-transmitted diseases or birth control.  Most are at high risk of acquiring and passing on sexually-transmitted diseases as they are not keen on using condoms during intercourse.  This practice is further aggravated by the fact that some of them, especially those belonging to gangs, practice “partner-swapping.” While check-ups from the Local Health Office, are free, the children admitted to not submitting themselves to regular health inspections.

Commerce for sex among the children ranged from as low as 50 to as high as 3,000 pesos a day. Majority of the children revealed that they have plans of leaving the industry for good after they have saved enough money or when they get tired of the job. Although a number of children noted that they would not have any difficulty leaving their current jobs, a handful have been candid to note that getting integrated into the mainstream would be difficult for them for fear of being looked down on, maligned, rejected or ostracized.

The study found that  almost all of the respondents said that they would prefer not to be involved in this kind of activity if they have been given a choice.  Some said they would like to continue their studies, as others still aspire of having more decent jobs.

Some of the policy recommendations to prevent children in entering into commercial sex activities are (a) improve the condition of the local economy; (b)  provide a comprehensive package of employment assistance to parents of child laborers and communities where child prostitution is rampant; (c) extend more educational assistance and design a learning module for them, increase appropriation and improve implementation of social services; (d) mobilize the Barangay Councils for the Protection of Children; (e) intensify information campaign on STDs, HIV AIDS and drug addiction; (f) solicit support and deepen networking with NGOs; and (g) support and pass pending bills on child labor.